By Dr Ayse Zarakol
Now not being of the West; being in the back of the West; now not being sleek adequate; now not being built or industrialized, secular, civilized, Christian, obvious, or democratic - those descriptions have all served to stigmatize convinced states via historical past. Drawing on constructivism in addition to the insights of social theorists and philosophers, After Defeat demonstrates that stigmatization in diplomacy may end up in a feeling of nationwide disgrace, in addition to auto-Orientalism and inferior prestige. Ay?e Zarakol argues that stigmatized states develop into extra-sensitive to issues approximately prestige, and form their international coverage therefore. The theoretical argument is supported through a close historic evaluation of crucial examples of the established/outsider dichotomy through the evolution of the fashionable states method, and in-depth experiences of Turkey after the 1st global struggle, Japan after the second one global struggle, and Russia after the chilly conflict.
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Additional resources for After Defeat: How the East Learned to Live with the West
All three movements, however, were born out of the belief that traditional approaches to foreign policy were not working and that the 36 Outsiders and insiders in the international system lag with the West would grow larger if right measures were not taken. 19 The differences do matter, of course: the fact that the Bolsheviks had a more substantive ideology and a domestic reform plan, and the fact that they took power after Russia’s near defeat in war, and through a popular revolution, made all the difference in terms of the longevity of their regime, in comparison with the CUP regime in the Ottoman Empire and even the military regime in Japan.
Civilization and Empire, p. 16. Earlier generations of the English School suffered from the same blind spot as to the perverse effects of socialization that the constructivist scholarship on norms is permeated with; scholars such as Bull and Watson treated the expansion of European international society as an overwhelmingly positive development. See O’Hagan, Conceptualizing the West, p. 129; Suzuki, Civilization and Empire, p. 15. Lebow, Cultural Theory, p. 4. 64 The international system is not that different: states rely on recognition65 from other states for their sovereign existence, which implies that there is a shared understanding about what a modern “state” is.
51 Wallerstein points out that the development of the absolutist monarchies in the Ottoman Empire and Russia in the sixteenth century shared substantial parallels with developments in Western Europe. 54 I have already pointed to Goldstone’s argument about political revolts in agrarian empires occurring around the same time as those in northwestern Europe (1750–1850). These revolts had different outcomes, but were ushered in by similar causes and bottlenecks in the economy. Broadly speaking, then, prior to the nineteenth century, there were two parallel lines of state development trajectory in the world, which continued to overlap.