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By John Molyneux

In might 2011 millions of scholars and employees occupied squares in urban centres throughout Spain, encouraged via the Egyptian Revolution. There occupations in Athens and protests round Europe.They have been one instance of a resurgence in routine stimulated via anarchist or autonomist principles. Molyneux welcomes those events yet argues that anarchist rules include basic weaknesses. Anarchists and Marxists could percentage a similar target of an equivalent, classless society, however the the most important query any activist needs to resolution is how can we get to that international from this?

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Sample text

In fact, the majority of people have a fairly sharp eye to eheir own rights and interests, and most people feel uncomfortable at ehe thought of belonging to a seriously unjust foon of life. Either, then, they must believe that these injustices are en route eo being amended, or that they are counterbalanced by greater benefits, or that they are inevitable, or that they are not really injustices at all. It is part of the function of a dominane ideology to inculcate such beliefs. It can do this either by falsifying social reality, suppressing and excluding certain unwelcome features of it, or suggesting that these features cannot be avoided.

Workers of the world, unite; you have nothing to lose but your chains' is in one sense obviously false; workers have a good deal to lose by political militancy, not least, in some cases, their lives. 'The West is a paper tiger', Mao's celebrated slogan, is dangerously misleading and triumphalist. Nor is it the case that all commitment to the dominant social order involves some sort of delusion. Someone might have a perfectly adequate understanding of the mechanisms of capitalist exploitation. but conclude that this kind of society, while unjust and oppressive, is on the whole prefer­ able to any likely alternative.

First, a disparity sets in between what society does and what it says; then this performative con­ tradiction is rationalized; next, the rationalization is made ironically self­ conscious; and finally this self-ironizing itself comes to serve ideological ends. The new kind of ideological subject is no hapless victim of false ' consciousness; but knows exactly what he is doing; it is just that he continues to do it even so. And to this extent he would seem conveniently insulated against 'ideology critique' of the traditional kind, which presumes that agents are not fully in possession of their own motivations.

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