By Aidan Hehir
Whilst may still the foreign group intrude to avoid anguish inside sovereign states? This publication argues that in view that Kosovo, the normative thesis has did not effect overseas politics, as evidenced through occasions in Iraq and Darfur. This critique rejects realism and gives a brand new standpoint in this very important factor.
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Additional resources for Humanitarian Intervention after Kosovo: Iraq, Darfur and the Record of Global Civil Society
Finally, as a result of the greater acceptance of the right of other independent states to exist there emerged the growth of accepted diplomatic practices and procedures for state-level contact. These consequences in themselves are certainly not negative. As discussed in this chapter’s earlier sections the recognition of sovereignty up to the signing of the UN Charter was contingent on the whims of the powerful and thus less a legal right than a function of power and/or patronage. Aggressive states have historically proved unwilling to adhere to the notion of sovereign equality and inviolability even after the UN Charter.
Whether it should be thus is a different, arguably more salient, issue. The dispute regarding legality stems from the rights afforded to sovereign states under the UN Charter, specifically the notions of inviolability and equality and the powers vested in the Security Council under Chapter VII. The latter part of this chapter has sought to highlight the progressive aspect of the codification of sovereignty, an aspect which has been largely ignored in contemporary critiques of this aspect of international law.
Given that, according to the prevailing rhetoric, ‘The scale of The Normative Thesis and Operation Allied Force 37 human suffering in the 1990s is like a tidal wave’;22 the perceived magnitude of the problem facilitated its ascendancy. 23 The remarkable surge in rhetorical support for human rights and the issue’s new centrality in international politics led unsurprisingly to increased optimism as to the coming era. 24 Yet the optimism was not confined to action carried out through the UN; despite the Soviet collapse it was clear that while both China and Russia retained veto powers, consensus at the Security Council would be difficult to achieve.