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By Paul Le Blanc

Marx, Lenin, and the innovative Experience deals a clean examine Communism, either the undesirable and strong, and likewise touches on anarchism, Christian concept, conservatism, liberalism, Marxism, and extra, to argue for the long-lasting relevance of Karl Marx, and V.I. Lenin as democratic revolutionaries. It examines the "Red Decade" of the Nineteen Thirties and the civil rights circulate and the hot Left of the Sixties within the usa besides.

Studying the previous to grapple with problems with struggle and terrorism, exploitation, starvation, ecological hindrance, and developments towards deadening "de-spiritualization", the booklet exhibits how the revolutionaries of the prior are nonetheless correct to today's struggles. It deals a basically written and thoroughly reasoned thematic dialogue of globalization, Marxism, Christianity (and faith in general), Communism, the background of the USSR and US radical and social events.

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Marx, Lenin, and the Revolutionary Experience: Studies of Communism and Radicalism in an Age of Globalization

Marx, Lenin, and the innovative adventure bargains a clean examine Communism, either the undesirable and stable, and in addition touches on anarchism, Christian concept, conservatism, liberalism, Marxism, and extra, to argue for the long-lasting relevance of Karl Marx, and V. I. Lenin as democratic revolutionaries. It examines the "Red Decade" of the Nineteen Thirties and the civil rights move and the recent Left of the Sixties within the usa to boot.

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Additional resources for Marx, Lenin, and the Revolutionary Experience: Studies of Communism and Radicalism in an Age of Globalization

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In the early 1970s, Marxist dissident Roy Medvedev was insisting: Socialist democracy is simultaneously a goal and a means. Democracy is essential as a value in itself. To be able to express one’s thoughts and convictions freely without fear of persecution or repression is a vital aspect of a free socialist way of life. Without freedom to receive and impart information, without freedom of movement and residence, without many other democratic freedoms, a true socialist society is impossible. 46 A decade before the crisis, Ernest Mandel gave confident expression to the viewpoint, held by many revolutionary Marxists, that it would be “impossible” for there to be a “gradual restoration of capitalism” in the USSR and other “bureaucratically deformed workers’ states” either through a “cold” process carried out by the bureaucracy or through a “palace revolution” initiated by a section of the bureaucracy.

44 This was echoed a decade and a half later in the massive working-class insurgency of the independent trade unions gathered around Solidarnosc. “We cannot accept the scorn which those who are what they are solely thanks to the labor of the worker and the efforts of the whole of society often show towards the workers,” commented one strike newspaper. At the Lenin Shipyard in Gdansk, the Independent Self-Managed Trade Union declared: “In accord with the basic principles of our state, we are the co-owners of our places of work, and the trade union formed by us will guarantee the realization of this right.

16 The solution to such problems seemed clear to Marx and Engels. They believed that the proletarianization process would generate an increasingly radicalized and militant working-class consciousness that would generate increasingly vital and aggressive working-class organizations. Workers would form tough, democratic, socially conscious trade unions in their workplaces. They would join together in their communities to struggle for social reforms. indb 20 7/12/06 9:05:19 AM Marx’s Manifesto after Communism’s Collapse • 21 and with this “self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense majority,” they would eventually “win the battle of democracy” and take political power in their own hands.

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